Xi Jinping's Rise & the Consolidation of Power
Chinese Political History II: Reform, Opening & the Rise of Modern China
Chapter 6 · Xi Jinping's Rise & the Consolidation of Power
Chapter 4 described a leadership pattern in which power passed on schedule and decisions were made by a committee. This chapter follows what happened to that pattern after 2012. It covers Xi Jinping's succession, the anti-corruption campaign and the argument over what it was for, and the ideological and institutional changes that raised one leader above the rest. The 2018 constitutional amendment is left to Chapter 7. The sources are Wikipedia summaries; contested points are marked as such.
The Succession
Xi Jinping became general secretary of the party on 15 November 2012 and chair of the Central Military Commission in the same month, then president on 14 March 2013. Compare this with Chapter 4: Hu Jintao gave up all his posts at once, so Xi received the party and military posts together and did not have to wait as Hu had in 2002–2004.
Background
Born in Beijing in 1953, the son of the revolutionary Xi Zhongxun (who appears in Chapter 1 as the Guangdong leader who proposed special zones). During the Cultural Revolution he was sent to rural Shaanxi and lived in a cave dwelling for seven years.
Career
Provincial posts in Fujian and Zhejiang, a brief spell as Shanghai party secretary in 2007, vice president in 2008 and vice chair of the CMC in 2010, which positioned him as Hu's successor.
Expected style
The succession followed the Chapter 4 script. The break in style came afterwards, with the concentration of authority described below.
The Anti-Corruption Campaign
The campaign began after the 18th Congress concluded in November 2012. Xi pledged to go after both "tigers and flies," meaning senior officials and grassroots civil servants. It was run mainly by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, led by Wang Qishan from 2012 to 2017. In 2018 the National Supervisory Commission was created as the highest supervisory body, consolidating anti-corruption functions.
| Person | Position held |
|---|---|
| Zhou Yongkang | Former Politburo Standing Committee member |
| Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong | Former Central Military Commission vice chairmen |
| Sun Zhengcai | Sitting Politburo member, targeted in 2017 |
Two readings of the campaign
Scholars dispute whether the campaign was mainly genuine anti-corruption work or mainly a tool of factional advantage. The evidence in this chapter does not settle it, but it shows why both readings are plausible.
| Reading | What supports it |
|---|---|
| Genuine anti-graft | A large number of cases at every level, including the "flies"; a permanent supervisory body created in 2018. |
| Political tool | Targets included former leaders and military chiefs (Zhou, Xu, Guo) and a sitting Politburo member (Sun); the campaign removed potential rivals and strengthened one leader's control of the party and army. |
| Both at once | The two are not exclusive: a campaign can be real in scale and selective in targets. Chapter 7 returns to this. |
Raising One Leader Above the Rest
"Core" status, 2016
In 2016 Xi was designated the "leadership core," an honor previously held only by Mao, Deng and Jiang, according to one source. That places him in the line of leaders whom the party itself treated as first among equals, and it contrasts with Chapter 4's picture of a consensus-seeking committee.
Xi Jinping Thought, 2017–2018
The full title is "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era." It was written into the party constitution at the 19th Congress in October 2017 and into the state constitution in March 2018. The party describes it as building on earlier ideologies and as "a new breakthrough in the Sinicization of Marxism." Its components are set out as ten affirmations, fourteen commitments, thirteen areas of achievements and six musts. The doctrine develops from Xi's speeches starting in 2012.
More authority in his own hands
One summary describes expanded state control over private sectors including technology and real estate, alongside military restructuring and poverty alleviation. A separate passage in the same source, marked as lacking citation, describes new commissions and leading groups under Xi. I have not used those details.
A third term
Xi was re-elected for a third term in 2022, after constitutional amendments in 2018 removed presidential term limits. The amendment itself is the subject of Chapter 7.
Hands-On Exercises
Compare Xi's 2012 takeover with the Jiang-to-Hu handover in Chapter 4 post by post, and say what the difference did to the timing of his control of the military.
Using only the cases and facts in this chapter, build the strongest case for each reading of the anti-corruption campaign, then say what evidence would separate them.
A report says "2.3 million officials were jailed for corruption under Xi." Identify what the chapter cannot support in that sentence and rewrite it.
Quick Reference
- 15 Nov 2012: Xi becomes general secretary; CMC chair the same month; 14 Mar 2013: president
- 2012–2017: Wang Qishan leads the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection; campaign of "tigers and flies"
- Cases: Zhou Yongkang; Xu Caihou and Guo Boxiong; Sun Zhengcai (2017)
- 2018: National Supervisory Commission created
- 2016: designated "leadership core" (previously Mao, Deng, Jiang)
- Oct 2017 / Mar 2018: Xi Jinping Thought written into the party / state constitution
- 2022: third term, after the 2018 amendments (Chapter 7)
- Contested: whether the campaign was mainly anti-graft or mainly factional